More Pages: africa Page 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100


Wonderful account of an African Safari
The photos are wonderful and the discriptions are endearing.
Almost Like Being There!

Astoundingly Exciting
Farwell is the best
Think "Undaunted Courage" was amazing? Read this!

post-coup AfricaMy own country, Ghana, was one of the first to fall under military rule back in February 1966 when Dr. Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown. In one of the longest and most important chapters in the book, the author provides a balanced account of military rule in Ghana, as well as a fitting tribute to Ghana's founding father President Nkrumah.
For decades since the sixties, as Mwakikagile shows in his book, many countries suffered under military dictatorship. In Ghana, Jerry Rawlings who comes from the same region I do, the Volta Region, ruled the longest. Although he did a lot of good things for the masses, he was also a harsh ruler. And no one elected him, until later. That's the point, as the author points out in his book. Soldiers do not have the mandate to rule.
And we just hope that they stop storming into office, anywhere in Africa. We are fed up with them, as much as we are with civilian tinpot dictators. And it's very good that the author has provided some of the solutions on how to discourage or stop soldiers from overthrowing governments, and also on how to get them, as well as civilian despots, out of office. And excellent book on how to use the power of the masses to achieve democracy in Africa.
Military misrule and destruction in West AfricaBut what is so sad is that even the civilian rulers themselves have also destroyed our continent.The only difference is that they are elected, although in rigged elections, which is one of the reasons why soldiers overthrow governments. But the main reason why they do so is to become leaders themselves, and dictators, and thieves. It's such a shame! And an unconscionable waste of our resources.
Talk about theft? Look at Ibrahim Babangida, former Nigerian military dictator. He is one of the richest men in the world, and in history, having amassed a fortune of more than $30 billion within 8 years of his blood-soaked military dictatorship. He ruled from 1985 - 1993, and is still a major player on the Nigerian political scene even today, having bankrolled in 1999 the election of a fellow soldier, Olusegun Obasanjo, who was Nigeria's military head of state from 1979 - 1983.
Where did Babangida get all that money from? He siphoned off billions of petrodollars, and had most of it stashed away abroad, while the Ogoni and members of other nationalities (they are more than just "tribes") in the oil-producing regions of the Niger Delta got nothing. So did his successor, another tinpot military despot, Sani Abacha, who also stole billions - at least $4 billion within 5 years.
Godfrey Mwakikagile, although not a West African, has done a sweeping survey of the region and the devastation wrought by military rulers, as well as "elected" politicians, since the sixties. It is a very interesting study, even if not detailed in all cases. But that is understandable. Covering so many countries, and over such a long period of time, it would have been impossible for him to provide, in a single volume as this one, a detailed account of every military regime in West Africa during the past 40 years. The fact that he was able to focus on the major events, digest and distill all the information he was able to gather to produce such a readable and balanced account, is itself a major achievement.
But the pace at which he is going may also compromise his research. He writes at a brisk pace. He also does research at a brisk pace, based on what he has produced so far. Looking at the list of his works, he seems to have written 7 books within only three years, dealing with major subjects. There's no question that they required extensive research, and his works show that he did it. And since they are also used as college textbooks, there's no doubt that the professors who recommended them for purchase knew they were vital works. All these academics couldn't be wrong. And I believe they all made the right decision. But the writer would be well-advised to proceed with caution when tackling major themes, the kind he has, with the hope that he will provide even more valuable insights into the subjects he addresses; which he undoubtedly can, as one can tell from reading his book. It is a product of a highly analytical mind. And as a fellow African, I am proud of him.
"Military Coups in West Africa since the Sixties" is an invaluable work, choke-full of facts, and well-balanced, by one of our important African writers from Tanzania. The only criticism I have has to do with typographical errors which may even tarnish the author's reputation especially as an academic author, although this is not his fault, as anyone who knows about book publishing will tell you. The publisher should be taken to task for this, while the author should be given all the credit he's duly entitled to, for writing one of the most important books - not only about military coups, but about Africa as a whole since the sixties.
Military Coups in West Africa since the Sixtiesof military governments in West Africa - in fact anywhere
in Africa - since independence in the sixties. Written
by an East African but who, because of his impressive
credentials and background as a journalist in Tanzania,
is no less qualified to handle the subject about West
Africa; the book is more than just a history of military
coups in West Africa. It is also a prescription for
ending military intervention in African politics, and a
call for consensus building to form governments of national
unity in order to end civil wars and unrest, and guarantee
full participation of all groups in the conduct of national
affairs, in all African countries. The corruption and
brutality of African leaders, both civilian and military,
and other abuses of power, are fully exposed in this book.
So is the involvement of the CIA in the ouster of Dr. Kwame
Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana and an ardent
Pan-Africanist who was also one of the most influential
African leaders in the 20th century. And tribalism, which
has caused so much chaos, misery, and suffering, and
which has been exploited by politicians across Africa,
also gets full attention in this book. In fact, ethnic
hatred almost destroyed Africa's largest and most
populous nation, Nigeria, during the civil war in the
sixties. It was, until then, the bloodiest conflict in
the history of post-colonial Africa. It is because of
this disruptive force of tribalism across the continent
that Africans should seriously consider forming coalition
governments in order to harmonize conflicting interests
in a pluralistic context. The book is well-written, and
well-documented, except for typographical errors here
and there the publisher should not have overlooked. Some
people may blame the author for this. But that shouldn't
be the case. Writers, write. And publishers, publish; and,
in the process, are responsible for what their typists
and copy editors do. So, apportion guilt accordingly.
And give credit where credit is due. There's no question
the author has written a very important book, covering
a lot of territory, and in an objective way as is humanly
possible.


A whole story at last!
Sparks's work is very informative and readable.
The best historical background I have read yet

A Kid-Centered Visit to the Democratic Republic of Congo
Beautiful images
An Enchanting Tale

Anthopology for Children
Shows the pure heart of a child
Outstanding children's story!

"¿An Ideal For Which I'm Prepared To Die."Joining the African National Congress in 1944 at age 26, he and other youth would lead its transformation from and organization of " gentlemen with clean hands" to the mass revolutionary democratic movement that would lead the revolution over apartheid. Doing so even while in prison for nearly 30 years. He was finally released in 1990 at age 72 and was soon after elected South Africa's president.
Mandela in his own words
Freedom struggle against apartheid -- Mandela's own words!These speeches give a vivid reminder of the brutal, racist regime that was apartheid (and we should never forget that the South African regime was a pillar of U.S. domination in Africa from the 1940s on.) Mandela gives us a real feel for the determined, difficult, and courageous struggle of millions of people who never accepted submission to apartheid and the world-wide importance of the fight for a democratic, nonracial South Africa. And you see truly inspiring leadership in the persons of Mandela and his fellow leaders in the ANC.
Don't miss the 32-pages of photos that really help bring this rich struggle to life as well!


Surveys the river's importance to local lives & world events
great readThe life-giving Nile of lower Egypt trickles first from two springs in Burundi and Rwanda and then meanders 4,238 miles as the White Nile through great equatorial lakes; loses itself in tangled and difficult swamps; tortuously emerges to run freely toward its confluence with the much more powerful, if shorter, Blue Nile from Ethiopia; and then flows over cataracts and dams through the great desert to the Mediterranean Sea.
Over five millenniums, the nutrient- and silt-laden Nile floodwaters enabled agriculture and civilization to flourish all along its lower reaches. When the annual summer flood failed, however, the northern Sudan and all of classical and modern Egypt suffered hideously.
Collins links the dark ages of dynastic Egypt and the successes of invading outsiders to those sometimes prolonged periods when the Nile withheld its renewing gift. In turn, those dry spells reflected shifts in the rainfall patterns of equatorial Africa and highland Ethiopia, not - as the Egyptians always feared - to the manipulative scheming of Ethiopian monarchs or African chieftains.
There were many efforts to measure the flows of the Nile, and then to harness it effectively. Taming the Nile, the quixotic goal of administrators from early times, led to the first small dams, and in the early 20th century to dams in the Sudan. President Gamal Abdel Nasser's Aswan High Dam of 1970, with its 300-mile lake and its ancillary dam at Roseires in the Sudan, were together intended to regulate the river forever, smoothing out the years of high and low water. But the mighty Nile refused to capitulate, and the impoundment of its waters has led to great silting and weakening of the dams, the impoverishment of Egyptian agriculture, unexpected disease, and unanticipated economic and social consternation.
Collins's seamless biography captures the soul of a river that is both a result of and a continuing influence upon Africa's geology, climate, history, peoples, economy, and politics. Collins roams over the 2 million-square-mile basin of the Nile - the smaller rivers, the large and tiny lakes, and the glacier-capped mountain ranges - and writes movingly of the glory and challenges faced by the immense cascade of water as it makes its way over myriad waterfalls and past pumping stations, villages, towns, and cities to its ultimate destination. He also captures the trials and triumphs of the Nile's sometimes human- assisted passage through the Sudd - a vast eddying swamp-like mass of lagoons and channels that long defied explorers and entrepreneurs as they attempted to follow the White Nile south into equatorial regions.
Counterintuitively, more of the merged waters of the Nile come from the Blue branch, not the much longer and more tortuous White system. The Blue starts higher than the White, at 9,000 feet, and then rushes into shallow Lake Tana. From shores ringed by Coptic Christian monasteries, the Blue carves a great arc through the lava dikes and sandstone plateaus of western Ethiopia, strengthened by three significant and many minor tributaries until it leaves the highlands and crosses into the Sudan as a source of regular refreshment.
As in any great biography, there are diversions off the main channel. Collins swoops readers into the Baro Salient, that riverine mapmaking mistake that thrusts Ethiopia into the southern Sudan, where commerce coursed clandestinely across borders. He takes us on a fascinating search for 15-foot canaries - not in John Williams' standard "Field Guide to the Birds of East Africa" - high up in the Mountains of the Moon (the Ruwenzori Range). And he supplies unexpected facts. For instance, as mighty as the Nile may be, its volume of fresh water delivered to the Mediterranean is only 2 percent of the total of the Amazon River and 15 percent of that of the Mississippi River. For much of its 160 million-year history, the Nile emptied into the Indian Ocean; only in comparatively recent geological times has it flowed north.
This is an easy book to read and to like. Yet there are occasional anachronisms, where sketches of people or places forsake the findings of modern linguistic and ethnological scholarship, and repetition of pet phrases or factoids. But the book's big flaw is the fault of the publisher: The quality and clarity of the maps and photographs are inadequate for a study as important as this panoramic biography of a pulsing river.
' Robert I. Rotberg directs Harvard's Program on Intrastate Conflict and is president of the World Peace Foundation.
from the January 09, 2003 edition - ...
Great maps and a riveting narrative

This is a really good book.
Beyond Black and White
An honest, eloquent and visually stunning educational tool!

Nyerere - Africa's best presidentDr. Henry Kissinger, an arrogant intellectual, acknowledged Nyerere's brilliance and was even outwitted by him during the Rhodesian crisis, as documented by the author (see Appendix IV). He also got a potent "dose of African nationalism," as David Ottaway wrote in "The Washington Post," when he met President Nyerere in Tanzania in 1976 to discuss the Rhodesian crisis. They differed on how to resolve it, prompting reporters to ask Nyerere if he thought Kissinger's mission to Africa was a failure. As David Ottaway who covered the event wrote in "The Washington Post": "Nyerere responded professorially by saying 'A mission of clarity is not a mission of failure.'" Kissinger, a former professor at Harvard, got a good lecture on African nationalism and the Rhodesian crisis from Nyerere, a man of immense intellect Africa will always be proud of. He was indeed an African colossus who did bestride this narrow world, as Kenyan Professor Ali Mazrui put it in his moving tribute to one of the giants of this century.
Nyerere spoke for Africa, and the world listened. He also represented the entire Third World in negotiations with the industrialized nations when he served as chairman of the South Commission after he retired as president of Tanzania. And he died a leader, one of the best the world, not just Africa, has ever produced. He was, simply put, Africa's best president. And Godfrey Mwakikagile, an African intellectual himself, has done justice to him by writing this book, immensely rich in detail, probably the best ever written about Nyerere.
The best way to honor Nyerere is to emulate his devotion, humility and simplicity. As "Newsweek" said when he died: "The world has lost a man of principle."
Nyerere: world leaderHe was also an inspiring orator with a razor-sharp intellect who was given a standing ovation for his incisive analysis and oratorical skills when he addressed the British Parliament in the seventies. A staunch Pan-Africanist, and a selfless statesman par excellence, he stood tall on the same level with Dr. Kwame Nkrumah but exercised far greater influence than Nkrumah after Nkrumah was overthrown in 1966. On the intellectual plane, only Leopold Sedar Senghor, president of Senegal, came a distant second to him among African leaders.
It has been said that intellectuals have a weakness for fellow intellectuals, as Kenyan Professor Ali Mazrui once wrote. Nyerere was one such intellectual. He enjoyed immense respect and profound admiration among Western intelectuals. Having attended school in Britain at the University of Edinburgh in Scotland, he was even described as a Western intellectual. He was also taught in the Western intellectual tradition by the British in colonial Tanganyika.
Yet, he was more than a "Western" intellectual, if one at all. He was a world intellectual who was highly admired and respected by millions of people around the world, not only for his superb intellect but his exemplary leadership.
Befitting his title Mwalimu, he was also described as the greatest teacher of our time, as former Biafran leader Odumegwu Ojukwu said, quoted by the BBC, following Nyerere's death. But that was probably an understatement, although that's not what Ojukwu meant. Mwalimu Nyerere was one of the greatest teachers of all times, embraced by people of all races and nationalities. And he taught by example.
He was indeed a legend in his own time, and will remain one for generations. Godfrey Mwakikagile has written a book which puts this legend in proper perspective. It is also a book that has earned the author a place among his readers as a respected authority on Nyerere. And his work is not compromised by bias despite his strong admiration for Mwalimu Nyerere as a leader and as an intellectual. He has written a book which will be of great interest to many people including scholars, especially those interested in Tanzania's foreign policy under Nyerere.
Dr. Nyerere did, indeed, deserve the title, "The Conscience of Africa," if not of the world.
Extensively researchedOne finishes the book with a considerably expanded knowledge of the documented life - details of family history, recollections of friends and associates widely interviewed, ample citations from Nyerere's published letters and occasional writings and numerous quotations from others' letters and memoirs that characterize the leader.
Mwakikagile gives readers an extensively researched life of the Father of the Nation with a breadth of detail about his history and early years. For a deeper, more nuanced understanding of the interior narrative of Mwalimu Nyerere, one needs not look elsewhere.